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A Letter from Mexico City: can Polarization build Democracy?

By
Javier González
2023-03-29T14:39:36+00:00April 10, 2023|
  • ENGLISH

  • ESPAÑOL

  • ENGLISH

This article was originally published by Zócalo Public Square.

What does polarization mean, here in Mexico?

There are no democracies without some kind of polarization, which is not in itself harmful or pathological. Democratic institutions are designed to channel dissent, allow peaceful competition between groups and parties, and process differences between majorities and minorities. A dose of polarization can be essential to life in a pluralistic society.

The intensity of the polarization differs depending on the issue and the influence of who spreads divisive messages. The polarization generated by the inauguration of the new metropolitan airport to serve Mexico City is not the same as the cleavage that the issue of abortion brings with it.

When polarization is mentioned in Mexico, it refers to different understandings of the term: new and old polarizations, healthy ones for civic debate, destructive ones, structural ones. There is also talk of polarization based on values, polarization produced by disinformation, and polarization both online and offline.

So, let’s specify that when we talk about the type of social distancing that affects the foundations of democratic coexistence in the country, we are talking about hyperpolarization. This is the severe polarization observed on social networks and digital platforms, and usually characterized by resentment, hate speech, post-truth, and incitement to violence.

With this type of anger, writes the Uruguayan economist and writer Luis Porto of the Organization of American States, “Politics is transformed not into a struggle of ideas but into a struggle of affections, of emotions of attraction and repulsion: them against us. The common collective identity is lost and identity polarization is produced.”

What is alarming about this phenomenon is that powerful actors or groups openly promote polarization, using it as a strategy to foster political interests, notably in electoral contexts.

Take the train collision that occurred in the Mexico City Metro in January 2023, which resulted in the tragic loss of a human life, and dozens of people injured. Even when the evidence suggests failures in train and track maintenance as the cause of the accident, capital authorities spoke of “suspicions of malicious acts” and possible sabotage. Thus, they insinuated, without further foundation, that the accident was a deliberate attack to affect the image of the current head of government in Mexico City, who is considered a likely candidate for the Mexican presidency.

Immediately, officials announced the mobilization of 6,000 members of the National Guard to protect the Metro facilities, a measure widely questioned by many of the capital’s citizens. On social networks the issue took the form of a confrontation between supporters of the ruling party and its opponents, displacing discussions about the inefficiencies of the transportation system and the administration of justice for the victims. When the state becomes an active agent of polarization, it increases mistrust and makes it impossible to debate solutions in a meaningful way.

This type of polarization, which erodes democracy and promotes segregation, feeds on the competition between opposing versions of reality. In echo chambers, each person reinforces their beliefs, resorting to ad hoc data sources and information distorted by political-electoral competition.

In this context, we must ask ourselves how to increase the search for truth and reduce the need for chaos, hatred, and aggression that characterizes polarization. One possible path is to promote exercises in deliberative democracy, which make it possible to find points of agreement that can reinforce faith in democracy and in the peaceful solution of conflicts. A related path is to build creative spaces that bring together communities, youth, workers, and groups in vulnerable situations. When people in such spaces apply the logic of dialogue and search for solutions to specific challenges, often in local contexts, they become less polarized.

As the exercises of Professor James S. Fishkin, director of the Center for Deliberative Democracy at Stanford University, have shown, the mere exchange of ideas between people who think differently reduces animosity and can bring extreme positions closer together. America In One Room was one of such exercises of deliberation as a remedy to depolarize highly divided environments.

It is necessary to build bridges between the poles and encourage, not repress, those who discover through dialogue that people who do not think alike may have good reasons for it.

One of the great challenges of Mexican democracy is that citizens experience disagreement as enmity. Rivals are seen as voiceless opponents, who must be crushed along with their divergent ideas. Hence the importance of getting people to accept the need to coexist. On such a foundation, it should be possible to build basic understandings that allow us to talk about our challenges based on our common interests.

Debating is acknowledging disagreement and respecting it, building on it, and finding communal ground instead of obsessing over dividing points. A democratic citizenship is made up of this material, a fabric that cannot be built by governments alone, nor by electoral institutions. The participation of the educational system, companies, the media, and families is required. And that dialogue begins by promoting inclusive listening.

As former New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern has pointed out, it is important that people feel heard, even if the outcome of the process does not go their way in the end. That way we can overcome the divisive discourse that only benefits the interests of some.

  • ESPAÑOL

Carta desde la Ciudad de México:

¿Puede la polarización construir democracia?

Este artículo fue originalmente publicado por Zócalo Public Square. 

No existen democracias sin algún tipo de polarización, lo que no es en sí mismo nocivo ni patológico. En realidad, las instituciones democráticas están diseñadas para canalizar el disenso, permitir la competencia pacífica entre grupos y partidos, y procesar las diferencias entre mayorías y minorías. Una dosis de polarización puede ser consustancial a la vida en una sociedad pluralista.

La intensidad de la polarización difiere dependiendo del tema y de la influencia de quien difunde mensajes divisivos. No es lo mismo la polarización que genera la inauguración del nuevo aeropuerto metropolitano, que el clivaje que trae consigo el tema del aborto, cuya explicación tiene cortes histórico-sociales más profundos.

Cuando en México se usa el término polarización, éste nos remite a diferentes entendimientos: polarizaciones nuevas y antiguas, las saludables para el debate cívico, las destructivas, las estructurales y las de coyuntura. También se habla de la polarización basada en valores, la que produce la desinformación, la polarización online y offline.

Por consiguiente, conviene precisar el tipo de distanciamiento social que afecta los cimientos de la convivencia democrática en el país. Me refiero a la hiperpolarización que se observa en redes sociales y plataformas digitales, caracterizada por descalificaciones de todo tipo, resentimiento, discursos de odio, post-verdad e incitaciones a la violencia. De acuerdo con Luis Porto, con este tipo de encono, “se transforma la política no en lucha de ideas sino en lucha de afectos, de emociones de atracción y repulsión: ellos contra nosotros. Se pierde la identidad colectiva común y se produce una polarización identitaria”. Lo alarmante de este fenómeno es que actores o grupos de poder promueven abiertamente la polarización, utilizándola como estrategia para impulsar intereses políticos, notoriamente, en contextos electorales.

Pongamos como ejemplo el accidente ocurrido en el Metro de la Ciudad de México en enero de 2023, que resultó en la trágica pérdida de una vida humana y varias personas heridas. Aún cuando las evidencias sugieren fallas en el mantenimiento de las vías y de los trenes como la causa del percance, las autoridades capitalinas hablaron de “sospechas de actos malintencionados” y posible sabotaje, insinuando, sin mayor fundamento, un ataque deliberado para afectar la imagen de la actual Jefa de Gobierno y aspirante a la presidencia de la república. De inmediato, se anunció la movilización de 6 mil elementos militares de la Guardia Nacional para resguardar las instalaciones del Metro, una medida ampliamente cuestionada por gran parte de la ciudadanía de la capital. El tema en redes sociales adquirió la forma de un enfrentamiento entre los seguidores del partido en el gobierno y sus opositores, desplazando la discusión sobre las ineficiencias del sistema de transporte y la impartición de justicia para las víctimas. Al convertirse el Estado en un agente activo de polarización, se incrementa la desconfianza y la incapacidad para debatir soluciones a los problemas desde el interés colectivo.

Este tipo de polarización, que erosiona la democracia y promueve la segregación, se alimenta de la competencia entre versiones opuestas de la realidad, en la que difieren ya no solo las opiniones, sino los mismos hechos, y en la que cada persona refuerza sus creencias en cámaras de eco, acudiendo a fuentes de datos ad hoc y a informaciones distorsionadas por la competencia político-electoral.

En este contexto, debemos cuestionarnos ¿cómo hacer para acrecentar la búsqueda de la verdad y disminuir la necesidad de caos, odio y agresión que caracteriza la polarización? Un posible camino es promover ejercicios de democracia deliberativa, que permitan encontrar espacios y puntos de coincidencia, esos acuerdos básicos que refuerzan la fe en la democracia y en la solución pacífica de los conflictos. Espacios que acerquen a la comunidad, a la juventud, a sectores trabajadores y a grupos en situación de vulnerabilidad, en una lógica de diálogo y búsqueda de soluciones a desafíos concretos. La gente se vuelve menos polarizada conforme se discuten problemas locales y no controversias identitarias.

Como muestran los ejercicios del profesor James S. Fishkin, Director del Centro para la Democracia Deliberativa de la Universidad de Stanford, el mero intercambio de ideas entre personas que piensan distinto reduce la animosidad y puede acercar las posturas extremas. Es necesario tender puentes entre los polos e incentivar, no reprimir, a quien descubra mediante el diálogo que las personas que no piensan igual pueden tener buenas razones para ello.

Uno de los grandes desafíos de la democracia mexicana es que el desacuerdo se vive como enemistad. Los rivales son vistos como contrincantes que no merecen tener voz, a quienes hay que aplastar junto con sus ideas divergentes. De ahí la importancia de lograr que la gente acepte la necesidad de coexistir. Hace falta lograr ese entendimiento elemental sobre los hechos y las verdades, un fundamento que nos permita conversar sobre nuestros retos con base en intereses comunes.

Debatir es reconocer el desacuerdo y respetarlo, construir sobre él, encontrar las concurrencias sin obsesionarse con los puntos de división. De ese material se compone una ciudadanía democrática, un tejido que no pueden construir los gobiernos por sí solos, ni las instituciones electorales. Se requiere la participación del sistema educativo, de las empresas, de los medios de comunicación, de las familias. Y ese diálogo empieza por impulsar una escucha inclusiva.

Tal como señaló la ex primera ministra de Nueva Zelandia, Jacinda Ardern, es importante que la gente se sienta escuchada, aunque el resultado del proceso no le favorezca al final. De esa manera podremos superar el discurso divisionista que solo beneficia los intereses de algunos.

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Gender-Inclusive Disaster Risk Management in Mexico

Mexico is highly exposed to natural hazards such as earthquakes, hurricanes, and extreme rainfall, with climate change further intensifying these risks. Disasters often have unequal impacts, with women, girls, indigenous and the LGBTQI+ population  facing heightened vulnerability due to structural inequalities, limited access to economic opportunities, exposure to violence, and the disproportionate burden of caregiving responsibilities. Despite evidence of these differentiated effects, there is still a lack of comprehensive data to fully capture their scope and duration. At the same time, Mexico is at a pivotal moment with the current administration prioritising gender equality and the National Centre for Disaster Prevention (CENAPRED) preparing its first National Strategy for Integrated Disaster Risk Management (ENGIRD). This creates a unique opportunity to embed gender and intersectional perspectives into disaster policy and practice.

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For more information, please visit:

https://www.ethos.org.mx/inclusion/publicaciones/evidence_to_integrate_gender_perspective_in_disaster_risk_management_in_mexico

https://www.ethos.org.mx/inclusion/publicaciones/evidence_for_integrating_the_gender_perspective_into_comprehensive_disaster_risk_management_in_mexico

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